and you need to be able to analyze the behavior of other players, as well as your own, relative to an understanding of both the rules of play and the social rules that constitute the larger social and material ecology of the game. THE PROBLEM OF OTHER CULTURES / From this example it can be seen that bridge players invoke close-order cultural analyses as part of their demonstrated mastery of the game. This notion can be extended to other games and other kinds of socially organized activities such that, we are all, in a sense, engaged in practices of cultural analysis all of the time as participants in the ongoing constitution and coordination of our lives together. The issue for designers—and, by extension, for all of us—is that each of us possesses different kinds of expertise and different areas of cultural mastery, and while it is interesting to deepen our understanding of those areas with which we are already familiar, our concern is also—perhaps predominantly—to understand the workings of cultures, settings and ecologies of action that are, in specific ways, different from our own. The so-called “problem of other cultures” is perhaps the defining problematic of professional ethnography. In simplest form, it consists in the idea that cultures are relatively bounded systems and that the job of ethnography is to assist members of one culture to interpret and understand the practices and their meanings of another culture through the application of professional methods of ethnographic inquiry and analysis. However, as Bourdieu has pointed out, cultures do not just sit there waiting to be understood, they come to the table with ready-made practices for self-representation. What he discusses as the special position of the “informant’—a person who is engaged by the ethnographer as representative of the larger cultural group—is one example of how conditions for cultural permeability and cross-cultural understanding are built into the local orders of practice that ethnographers are seeking to understand in the first place.[:2] The notion of expert “informants” is, of course, notoriously problematic insofar as different members of a cultural group occupy different positions and will have different versions of what they are up to, the meaning of their actions, and so on. The important point here, however, is that, in addition to what they are doing, people are all the time reflecting on and talking about what they are doing, and this “discourse on practice that is built into practice” provides an indefinitely large resource for persons—such as ethnographers and other novices—who are trying to understand what the experts are up to in any given cultural group. Indeed, were it not the case that these kinds of resources are built into our ordinary structures of social activity it would be impossible for us to accomplish one of the central tasks of any culture: To transmit local knowledge and cultural practice to a next generation of members. DISTRIBUTED COGNITION / My aim in the foregoing has been to point out that the so-called “problem of other cultures” is not just an issue for ethnographers, it is an issue we all face as persons who, at different points in our lives, need to learn the language, practices, rules and sensibilities of unfamiliar cultural groups. We learn these things not just by asking people to tell us what they are up to, but by immersing ourselves in courses of practical activity—by doing things—and by engaging with others in constructing reflective accounts and understandings of what we have done. Although ethnographers have built important specialized knowledge around these practices of learning, in the end, these methods represent amplifications and refinements of practical methods of communication and analysis that are part of the rich and complex fabric of ordinary social life. A further issue concerns the fact that not all members of a specific cultural or expert group share the same perspective, position, knowledge, etc., vis-a-vis the system of knowledge and practice we, as implicit IMAGE 2 / AIGA’s Ethnography Primer. This cover creates a visual argument between ethnography and design. ethnographers, are seeking to comprehend. The issue here is more than the simple fact that different members of a culture or area of expertise have different versions of what they are up to. In complex societies and organizations, different people occupy different roles or positions that require different sorts of specialized knowledge and practice. In his book Cognition in the Wild, Edwin Hutchins provides a lengthy account of the steering of large ocean vessels (navy ships) An Ethnography Primer as a highly complex achievement involving the coordination of many different people with very different kinds of technical expertise. [13] Critical here is that no one person actually possesses all of the knowledge it takes to maneuver a ship. Rather, the ship