COVER

Alexander Duff, Leah, 1998.

a book might generate a cash surplus that can be donated to the cause. A publication project also brings together like-minded people and rallies them with a heightened sense of their organiza- tional potential. Moreover, it provides them with the opportunity to update or fine-tune a message, and to raise or renew public awareness.

The market niche for a preachy book on the just cause of a Free Tibet probably is so narrow as to be insufficient to justify the costs of running the printing press. The drawing power of such a book is likely to reside not in the evident zeal, of its author. Rather it is likely to reside in a descriptive function that allows the reader the breathing room to accept the author’s political agenda or overlook it in favour of the non-partisan pleasures of a well- conceived and well-made creative product.

And so, as could be expected, tacking on a par- tisan political message to a book that is formatted to sell itself on a function that requires balance, depth, etc., strains the criterion of coherence.

It also tends to strain psychologically the cre- ator of the book. It does this by engendering prag- matic constraints on individual expressiveness in response to the likelihood of what formatting of contest is interesting and acceptable to a suffi- ciently large market niche. Ideological pride can be mighty tough to swallow.

There are countless manuscripts lying about without a publisher or without much of a reader- ship (not to mention films, photographs, paint- ings, etc. that go without any but a tiny, effete, and politically inconsequential audience), whose authors are terribly proud, terribly ideological, and unwilling to relinquish their terribleness.

After giving it thought over a number of years, I suspect that the infatuation with political buzz words and the tone of contempt that turn up with off-putting frequer cy in work by terribly political putatively creative individuals is an attempt to simulate sophisticated political analysis; I also believe it hints strongly at severe, unresolved per- sonal issues.

An example of the scorn-filled didacticism I am referring to is available from writer-photogra- pher Allan Sekula:

Photography is haunted by two chattering ghosts: that of bourgeois science and that of bourgeois art. The first goes on about the truth of appearances, about the world reduced to a positive ensemble of facts, to. a constellation of knowable and possessable objects. The second specter has the historical mission of apologizing for and redeeming the atrocities committed by the subservient — and more than spectral —

pa \ hand of science.

A central feature in the work of Sekula’s I have read and in the work of a large number of self- styled critical cultural practitioners is the con- struction of a symbolic straw pariah followed by its being knocking it down in a display of calculat- ed rage. This strategy converges with the emotion- al release and self-adulation marketed by Tony Robbins. Robbins and Sekula make for rather strange bedfellows, a fact that should raise ques- tions for those interested in progressive political activism regarding what pompous anger is capable of carrying out to any appreciable social effect.

Pompousness can sell plenty of self-improve-

ment CDs and audio cassettes. It can also inspire many articles, films, paintings, etc., whose stale- ness is exceeded only by their alleged political intentions.

But pompousness is a highly ineffective way to

gain interest in changing the world.

HOOP #1:

Tourist and Social

Surveillance

Taking on Tibet as a project in concerned pho- tography involves navigating around and through some important constraints besides those engen-

~ dered by marketability. One of these is the appara-

tus of tourist and social surveillance.

The itineraries of tourists travelling to Tibet are conditional upon official approval. Tourists are advised not to photograph civil disturbances, i-e., demonstrations in favour of a Free Tibet, public demands for the release of political prisoners, and other manifestations of free political expression.

Visits are discouraged to the sites of the 6,190 or so Buddhist temples (about 99.8% of the total once in existence) destroyed by the People’s Liberation Army during the Cultural Revolution of 1966 — 76 as an exercise in modernization. Conversations with Tibetans need to be discreet because of the network of paid informers employed by the Public Security Bureau to inform on people with disloyal attitudes. Questions to one’s tour guide should not include inquiries about: the 1.2 million Tibetans killed during the consolidation of Chinese rule in the 1950s and 1960s; the program of forced steriliza- tion of Tibetan women; or the policy of coloniz- ing Tibet with unilingual Chinese-speaking peo- ple of Han ethnicity (to the point that the Tibetans have been reduced to a minority of 6 million people in a region inhabited almost exclu- sively by them going back several centuries and up until five decades ago).

Photographing the wrong building, e.g., a mil- itary installation, or the wrong person, e.g., a pub- lic security officer, can result in getting punched out, having your film and camera confiscated, and getting kicked out of the country. Consular offi- cials will not be able to offer much help if you are detained on charges of spying.

The apparatus of tourist and social surveillance creates palpable risks and operates with enough effectiveness to induce pragmatic self-censorship

on the part of the concerned photographer.

HOOP #2: The Dalai Lama

A much different constraint is presented by Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, whose title indicates traditional religious and_ political leadership of Tibet. Gyatso fled to India in 1959, where he and several thousand refugees estab- lished a Tibetan refugee community and set up a

government-in-exile in Dharamsala, a city about 200 kilometres from the India- Tibet border.

The Free Tibet Campaign centres on restoring the Dalai Lama to his traditional role in Tibetan society. The increasing frequency of Free Tibet demonstrations start- ing in the late 1980s, particularly in Llasa, prompted Chinese authorities to ban pho- tographs of the Dalai Lama, to impose a system of surveillance within Buddhist monasteries and nunneries, and to introduce a program of loyalty training for all monks and nuns.

Logic obliges authors who support the restoration of Tibetan political and cultural sovereignty to acknowledge the leadership of the Dalai Lama in the Tibetan exile community — to omit such acknowledgement would be tan- tamount to political criticism of the Dalai Lama and his political col- leagues. That said, an author has a range of options that can be employed to pay homage to the Dalai Lama, including hero worship, quoting what one thinks are the Dalai Lama’s more thought-provoking statements, and describing his deeds in plain language.

One of the thorny issues that any perfunctory endorsement of the Dalai Lama would skirt around is whether a strategy besides passivity and compassion is called for to resist the Chinese occupation of Tibet. The ethnocide that began in Tibet shortly after the arrival of the PLA has included: the massive destruction of Buddhist temples and cultural artefacts; the Han colonization/Tibetan sterilization demo- graphic policy; the replacement of Buddhist administration and education in the Tibetan language with socialist cadre administration and education in the Chinese language; the socialist industrialization and militarization of the Tibetan economy, and; the ongoing beatings, intimidation, arrest and torture of Tibetans expressing disagreement with the new socialist-atheist order.

The Dalai Lama’s advice on resistance in the face of ethnocide in Tibet remains utterly faithful to Buddhist precepts:

My enemy is my best friend and my best teacher because he gives me the opportunity to learn from adversity. You do not learn much from your friends when you are comfortable; you learn much more

from your enemies. (Rowell, 8)

Internal peace of mind can be so steady, clear, and faultless that the external cannot destroy it. The thing that most easily destroys mental peace is hatred. Once hatred and anger come out, peace of mind

disappears automatically. Therefore, the real enemy is also anger within ourselves. (Rowell, 34)

What is the relationship between the individual’s peace of mind and the collec- tive culture whose teachings and history show the individual the way to his or her higher pursuits? Is there a point at which the coerced, rapid, systematic eradication of a culture morally compels the individual to forego, at least temporarily, the quest

Brian Harris, Two Nuns Laughing, Dharamsala, India

spring 1998 / planet of the arts 11

Avoid asking your tour guide about the killing of 1.2 million Tibetans.

COVER

‘Alexander Dutt, oan, 198.

ook night generate cash sugpls that can be

donated to the cause. A publication projet also

brings together like-minded people and. rallies

potential. Moreover it provides therm with

the oy update or fine-tune a message,

raise or renew public awarenes The marke niche for a preachy book on the just cause ofa Free Tibet probably is 30 narrow as tobe inset justify the costs.

ingthe Printing pes. The drawing power of sch a

{skal to reside notin the evident calf te author: Rather itis Hkly to reside ina descriptive function that allows the reader the breathing room to acept the author’ poi agenda or overlook itin fayourof the non-partisan pleasures of wel conceived and well-made creative product

And so, as could be expected, tacking ona pat tisan political message toa book that is formated to sll self on a function that requires balanes, <epth, te strains the criterion of coherence.

Ie alk tends to strain psychologically the cre ator ofthe book. It oes this by engendering pag matic constraints on individual expressiveness in response to the ikihood of what formating of contest is interesting and acceptable to suff ciently large market niche. Ideological pride can tbe mighty tough to sallow

There are countles manuscripts hing about with

ut a publisher or without much of reader Ship (not to mention films, photographs, paint ng et. tht go without any but a tiny flte, and politically inconsequential audience), whose authors are terbly prow, terribly ideological

and wowing to rcinguish thie teriblenes ‘ter giving it thought over a numberof yar, the infatuation with politcal buzz

tone of contempt that turn up with

feequercy in work by teriblypolitieal putatively creative individuals i an attempt to

simulate sophisticated. political an

believe it hints strongly at severe unresolved per sonal ius.

‘An example of the scor-filled didactic t

am referring to iaailabe from writer photog er Allan Sek

A central feature in the work of Sekula Ihave read and in the work of lange numb of sf sive eit cultural practitioners i the con struction of symbole stra pariah followed by

itsbeing knocking it down ina display of ele:

cx rage. This strategy converges with the emotion al release and selF-adulation marketed by Tony Robbins. Robbins and Sekula make for rather strange bed

sa fat that should ruse ques tions for those interested in progresive political activism regarding what pompous ange is capable of careyng out to any appreciable sil ffs

HOOP #1: Tourist and Social Surveillance Taking on Tibet ab a project in concerned pho

tography involses navigating around and th some important constrains besides those engen

ered by marketability. One of these ithe appara tus of tou

a and socal surveillance. The itineraries of tourists travelling to Tibet are conditional upon ofc approval. Tourists are advised not to photograph civil disturbances, ic, demonstrations in favour of a Free Tibet, public demands forthe release of politcal prisoners, and other manifestations of fre political expression

‘Visits are discouraged 10 the sts ofthe 6,90 ‘or s0 Buddhist temples (about 9989 ofthe total ‘once in existence) destroyed by the People’s Liberation Army during the Cultural Revolution of 1966 = 76 a an exercise in modernization, Conversations with Tibetans need to be discreet because of the network of paid informers employed by the Public Security: Bureau to inform on people with disloyal attitudes Questions to one's tour guide should not inlude inquiries about: the 1.2 million Tibetans killed luring the consolidation of Chinese rule in the 19508 and 1960s the program of force steiiza tion of Tibetan women: or the policy of colon ing Tibet with nilingusl Chincs-speaking peo ple of Han ethnicity (to the point that the Tibetans have been reduced to 3 minority of & nillion people ina region inhabited almost excl sively by them going back several centuries and ‘up unt ive decades ago)

Photographing the wrong building. a mil: itary installation othe wrong persone. pub lie security office, can result in getting punched ‘out having your film and camera confiscated, and setting kicked out of the country. Consular

ils will not be ale t offer much lp if ou are detained on charges of spying

The apparatus of tourist and social survelance creates palpable risks and operates with enough ffctiveness to induce pragmatic self-censorship om the part of the concerned photographer

HOOP #2: The Dalai Lama

A much diferent constraint is presented by Tenrin Gyatso the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, whose title indicates tational religious and political leadership of Tibet. Gyats fed to India in 939, where he and seeral thousand refugees estab lished a Tibetan refuge co

government -in-cnile in Dharamsala, a city about 200 kilometres fron the India Tibet border.

The Free Tibst Campaign centres on restoring the Dalai Lama to his traditional rol in Tibetan society The increasing fequency of Free Tibet demonstrations stat. ing inthe ate 1980s, particularly in Las, prompted Chinese authorities to ban pho tographs of the Dalai Lama, to impose a system of surveillance within Buddhist monasteries and unneries, and to

introduce a program of loyalty training

forall monks and nuns Logic obliges authors who support the restoration of Tibetan political and

cultural sovereignty 10 acknowledge

ange of options that can be employed

1 pay homage to the Dali Lama, including hero worship, quoting what one thinks

are the Dalai Lama's more thought-provoking statements, and describing his deeds

plain language One ofthe th

would skirt around is whether a strategy

pation of Tibet. The ethnocide that began in Tibet

shortly after he arival ofthe PLA has included: the massive destruction of Buddhist

sraphic policy the replacem

Buddhist administration and education in the

Tibetan language with socialist cadre administration and education in the Chinese

language; the socialist industrialization and militarization of

ibetan economy and: the ongoing beatings intimidation, atest and torture of Tibetans expressing lisageeement with the new socials atheist order

The Dalai Lama's advice on resistance inthe face of ethnocide in Tibet remains ‘erly tal to Buddhist precepts:

What isthe relationship between the individuals peace of mind andthe cole tive culture those teachings and history show the individual the way to his or her hig © point at which the coerced, rapid, systematic eradication ofa culture morally compels the individval to forego at lest temporarily, the quest

7 pursuits? I th

spring 1998 / plonet of the orts 11

Avoid asking your tour guide about the killing of 1.2 million Tibetans.